A map of the expansion of Dutch influence and control on the subcontinent.
An Alternate History of the Netherlands is a little something I've been working on since 2008, and it follows the evolution of a world in which the Dutch were not divided along religous lines during the Dutch Revolt of the last 16th Century. Along with An Alternate History of the Netherlands, some of my other projects, such as the Stardust Sequence (since 2000) and the Wing Commander reboot (since 2010) may make appearances.
The World Today
Thursday, February 27, 2014
Wednesday, February 19, 2014
Tennesee River part fin
The Crossing
With the
crossing of the Tennessee River planned for August 9, Pershing spent August 7
and 8 bombarding Confederate positions across the river. Again he wanted a far
longer bombardment but a month of hard fighting greater reduced his stockpile
of munitions. The battle became the greatest consumer of American munitions in
July 1914, and spent shells and bullets faster than factories could produce
them. Pershing attempted to divert rounds from other fronts. His attempts were thwarted
by the War Department, which would not ‘rob Peter to pay Paul’.
Pershing
brought forward two more divisions of the First Army to Camden; the 9th
Infantry and 55th Iowa Guard. The 9th spent much of July
in reserve, recuperating losses sustained on the front for the previous three
months. The 55th Iowa was recently called up to service. It was the
rookie division, with half of its soldiers untested in combat. The rest were
survivors of the 37th Iowa, a National Guard Division torn to pieces
on the York Peninsula. Its members had mixed reactions from shifting from
Canadian winters to Southern summers.
At dawn on
August 9, five divisions went over the top and across the river. The crossing
of the Tennessee proved far more hazardous than a regular dash through no-man’s
land. Samson took the lull in activity from August 1 and August 6 to move
artillery pieces into place and fortify them against anticipated bombardment.
Civilians in the region were also evacuated, including the entire population of
Stuart. Stuart sat on the banks of the Tennessee directly between Camden and
the Waverly-Buffalo line. The town was virtually wiped off the map and provided
excellent cover for Union soldiers coming ashore.
The prospect of
platoons crowding on barges and battalions funneling on to pontoon bridges
brought great anxiety to the soldiers. In no-man’s land, there was at least a
chance to find cover. On a barge there was none. Should a shell come down on
the barge it could wipe out an entire platoon, which happened on a number of occasions
on August 9. The pontoon bridges were favorite targets of surviving Confederate
machine gun nests, which homed in and fired on a steady stream of advancing
soldiers.
Artillery units
did their best to sever all of the bridges, work that took a mere five minutes.
At 0813, Confederate artillery let up, bringing a much needed reprieve to
advancing Union soldiers. The reason of the pause was twofold; 1) Samson wished
to conserve his ammunition and 2) The CSS Memphis
made its appearance at the crossing. The Confederate river monitor was a near
copy of its Union counterpart. Two twin turrets of eight inch guns fired for
great effect into masses of Union barges.
Pershing
expected the Confederate Navy to play its part and fought with the US Navy
Department for a fleet of monitors. Instead, he was sent the USS Decatur and USS Evansville. The two Union monitors spent the morning firing on
Confederate fortifications and artillery nests. Both ships turned their turrets
on the Memphis once sighted. At 0820,
the two Union ships began firing upon the Memphis.
At a range of two miles, many of the rounds did indeed hit, unfortunately not
at what gunners where aiming.
A number of
Union barges fell victim to short rounds, blown apart by their navy. The Navy
cursed the soldiers for being in their way as they tried to navigate through
the swarm of barges at speeds topping one knot. The Memphis took advantage of the large, slow targets, turning its
attention away from soft targets to those two that were genuine threats. At
0823, shells from the Memphis blew
open the forward turret of Decatur,
knocking the ship out of the fight. Decatur’s
captain ordered the ship to turn hard astern, his goal to beach on the west
bank of the river before sinking.
The duel
between the Evansville and Memphis caught the headlines in
newspapers across the country, crowding out articles speaking of thousands of
Union casualties crossing the Tennessee. The duel was a short affair, for once
free of the Union barges, Evansville
was free to maneuver. The duel ended by 0830, with the Memphis sunk and Evansville
too heavily damaged to aid in the crossing. Unlike the Decatur, which could still bring one turret into play, Evansville suffered damage to both of
its turrets. As soon as the Memphis
rolled over, Confederate guns opened up on Evansville,
damaging the ship further. At 0833, one Confederate round breached the damaged
turret and aft magazine, sending the Union monitor to join its Confederate
victim.
The battle was
half-over for soldiers once they reached dry ground, where they could again
spread out and seek shelter. By sunset, most of the 9th and 14th
managed to cross and gain a toe hold on the east bank and fought through the
night to keep their holdings. It took until August 12, before the entire force
stood on the east bank. Samson sent out company-sized raids against the
assembling Union lines with the expressed goal of keeping them disorganized. The
nightly raids kept Union soldiers awake and daily artillery bombardment denying
them afternoon naps.
By August 15,
the seventy thousand Union soldiers trapped on a five mile deep and ten mile
long front suffered greatly from fatigue. A push on August 16 met with more
casualties than gains and a push the following day failed as miserably.
Pershing needed to gain ground, otherwise he would be forced to ferry his men
back across the river, with likely the same casualty rates as crossing it cost.
August 21, saw
five days of fighting come to an unsatisfactory conclusion when the surviving
sixty-five thousand soldiers of the Union crossing slammed into a prepared
trench network between the towns of Waverly and Buffalo. The first line of
trenches they captured through sheer willpower.
Two attempts to breach the second line of trenches failed, costing the
lives of three thousand Union and two thousand Confederate soldiers. On August
22, Pershing called a halt to the advance.
The supply
situation remained critical as Confederate guns took every opportunity to fire
upon the pontoon bridges. A number of trucks carrying ammunition exploded after
encountering a Confederate three inch shell, taking a second of the bridge with
them. After each explosion, engineers raced to replace the destroyed section of
bridge, reopening supply lines as quickly as humanly possible. Despite their
efforts, supplies ran dry. On the morning of August 22, supplies were critical
for the 61st Ohio. In some cases, companies were down to their last
clip of ammunition and out of grenades.
In the month of
August, the United States Army advanced no further than ten to twelve miles
east of the Tennessee River at the cost of nearly thirty thousand casualties, a
third of them fatal. The media and members of Congress began to clamor for
Pershing’s replacement, ignoring the advance he gained in the month of July.
Similar calls for replacement rang through the Confederate States, with the
governor of Tennessee complaining loudest of Sylvester’s ‘indecision’.
Recent advances
in Europe offered Pershing a solution. The Germany Army fired a number of
rounds into British lines containing tear gas. It was a non-lethal chemical
weapon and allowed the Germans a minor advance along the Western Front when
British soldiers panicked. Since it was non-lethal, it also proved easy to
counter. Chemists in industrial heartland of the United States offered the War
Department a weapon far more devastating than mere irritants.
New Weapons
By September 1,
the Union’s position on the east bank proved far more tenable. The toe hold was
no longer in danger of collapsing before Confederate counter-attacks. In
addition to replacements for the maimed units, Pershing moved the 124th
New Hampshire Guard across the river to bolster the line and prepare for a new
push. The advance was delayed not by the movement of men or artillery, but by
the deployment of a new weapon and the cooperation of the weather.
Instead of the
shells he hoped for, Pershing receiving thousands of canisters of chlorine gas.
He could not simply bombard the enemy. Instead, the First Army was forced to
rely upon the wind carrying the gas across the no-man’s land. A favorable wind
blew across the front in the early morning hours on September 3. The flow of
greenish clouds across no-man’s land and the sudden choking death of hundreds
of soldiers sparked panic in the Confederate trenches. The psychological impact
of an unbeatable foe was far more damaging than the actual deaths.
An hour after
the cloud rolled into the Confederate lines, Union soldiers climbed out of
their trenches and charged. Upon entering contaminated Confederate trenches,
several hundred Union soldiers succumbed to the gas attack. Early gas masks
were very primitive by modern standards and the unknowns of large-scale
chemical warfare would plague all sides in the war throughout 1914 and into
1915. What awaited the Union soldiers was chaos. Some Confederate soldiers fled
the gas while others were quick to surrender. The soldiers of the Tennessee
divisions stood their ground and fought before being forced to retreat in the
face of a better organized foe.
What prevented
Pershing from full exploiting the crumbling line east of the Tennessee was a
continuing supply problem. Pushing the Confederates out of artillery range of
the river allowed for more pontoon bridges to appear and railroad bridges to be
rebuilt in late 1914, improvements that did little for Pershing on September 3.
Against disorganized and trapped units, bayonets worked superbly. Against
entrenched and determined foes, it worked not so well.
By September 5,
he decided the forward elements of the First Army were sufficiently supplied
and ordered a second gas attack take place. As with the first, the nature of
the weapons remained dependent upon the weather, which proved to be the
Confederate’s ally for the better part of a week. The time spent waiting for
the right wind was no time wasted. Soldiers spent their time fortifying
captured lines and extending the trenches, as well as addressing their own
supply issues.
A short window
of attack opened on September 14, when chlorine was released in the new
no-man’s land. The windows proved too short for a shift in wind blew some of
the poison gas back into Union lines. Much to Pershing’s growing frustration,
panic in the ranks of the 124th N.H. proved almost as devastating as
the panic occurring in the Confederate lines. With that division in disarray,
Pershing gave the order for the rest of the divisions to advance. The Confederate
lines were in disarray and again the 14th and 73rd Neb
broke through their forward defenses. Again the First Army failed to bust
through and charge towards Nashville.
Pershing’s
frustration grew over the course of September. The longer the much needed
breakthrough waited, the more time the Confederate Army could adapt to the
poison gas attacks. A third attack occurred on October 9, and resulted in a
minor breakthrough. The Confederate Army was forced from their trenches and driven
back nearly fifteen miles. Since the First Army crossed the Tennessee, Samson
prepared a series of defensive lines between the river and Nashville.
The Confederate
Army of Tennessee manned trenches spanning from Dixon to Centerville. The First
Army ran into a solid line of Confederate defenses, breaking their momentum for
good. Machine gun and artillery fire pinned the forward most elements of the
First Army, forcing them to dig in desperately. Within a week, the bulk of the
First Army sat a few hundred meters west of the Confederates, packed in shallow
trenches and vulnerable to mortar attacks. Their positions were tenuous, and
had Sylvester sufficient forces in place for Samson to attack then the
Confederate Army might have driven the Union back to the Tennessee River.
By October 20,
both sides in Tennessee were exhausted from months of near constant fighting.
Pershing wanted to launch one more push, but the weather refused to cooperate.
Rain began to bombard both sides of the war, turning trenches to mud and
rendering gas attacks useless. On October 21, he gave the order to Baker to
make himself comfortable. The Battle of the Tennessee River wound down back to
the sporadic artillery duels and trench raids that made up the fighting in the
first half of 1914. Even the artillery duels were few and far between. In his
attempt to flank Nashville, Pershing expended his stock and reserve of shells.
Results
The Battle of
the Tennessee River failed in its strategic goal. Nashville remained in
Confederate hands until well into 1915. For a gain of thirty miles southward in
the land between the rivers, Pershing spent nearly fifty thousand lives over
four months. To defend that same area, Sylvester sacrificed forty thousand
Confederate soldiers. With a soldier ration of nearly two-to-one, the United
States won the numbers gain in mid-1914.
In the summer
of 1915, Pershing and the First Army went on to capture Nashville but failed to
break the state in 1915. By the end of the war, the First Army was poised to
invade the Deep South. After the war, Pershing served as military governor in
the Deep South during reconstruction. There was some talk in the 1930s for
Pershing to run for office, but no political party wanted to place him on a
national ticket. Before the Great War, he was known as Black Jack Pershing.
After the Battle of the Tennessee River and its grueling body count, he was
dubbed Black Death Pershing by the press.
James Sylvester
III did not live to see the war or the consequences of his indecision in July
1914. He, along with several staff officers, were killed in Nashville during a
Union air raid. Bombers of the Great War were not the most accurate of weapons and
killed Sylvester only through dumb luck.
Tuesday, February 18, 2014
Tennessee River part 3
Opening Moves
The first shot
of the Battle of the Tennessee River fell on Confederate lines at midnight,
July 3, 1914. It was followed by hundreds of thousands of round over the
following three days. Pershing wanted one million rounds brought down along the
seventy mile wide front, but fell short by several hundred thousand. So many
rounds fell on the line that towns such as Polk and Obion were wiped clean off
the map. Literally not a single building was left standing in either town. The
casualties would have been horrendous had the towns along the front not been
evacuated early in the war.
Over all,
problems caused by Confederate civilians trapped behind Union lines were
minimal. In Troy and Martin, where the 61st Ohio and 73rd
Nebraska massed respectively, the civilian population did little more than
glare at any soldier in blue. Paris, Tennessee, the staging area for the 14th
Infantry offered passive resistance to occupying forces, proving more of a
headache to Lieutenant General Newton Baker than anything else. In Ridgely, a
small port on the Mississippi, the 21st Cavalry had some active aid
from locals. The free Blacks living in the town’s colored neighborhood were employed
by Arnold as laborers.
For three days,
artillery pieces ranging from 75mm to the eight guns of river monitors to a
single sixteen inch railroad gun hauled across the border on the only remaining
railroad. The railroad gun sat north of Paris and focused on destroying known
Confederate fortification behind their trenches near Mansfield. The fortress
covered the northern most of six railroad lines crossing the state
east-to-west. More than two hundred of the massive rounds fell on and around
the fortifications, destroying anything they touched. Unfortunately, most of
the shells missed their mark and succeeded in tilling large tracks of farmland
and woods.
For three days,
Confederate defenders sat tight in their trenches and prayed the six months of
work spent while the front remained static would hold. For the most part, the
bunkers survived the bombardment with a destruction rate of only seven percent.
Most of the destroyed were a result of a large shell landing directly on top of
the structure. When the shells ceased falling at 0730 on July 6, Confederate
officers suspected a trick. It would not be the first time Union artillery let
up long enough for Confederate soldiers to leave their bunkers before resuming
fire.
On the other
hand, the silence might mean Yankee soldiers were about to go over the top. At
0800, the 14th and 21st Divisions spearheaded the advance
across Mesopotamia. The 21st Cavalry encountered the least amount of
resistance, advancing along the Mississippi. The objective of the 21st
was the town of Dyersburg. The town sat at the junction of two east-west
railroad lines and was to be held to prevent any Confederate counterattacks
from striking Pershing’s main force’s flank.
Pershing knew
Arnold believed strongly that Memphis should be the goal and thought more than
once that Arnold would disobey orders. Officers of the Arnold family were known
to disobey orders when strategic necessity demanded it. When Benedict Arnold
disobeyed orders at Saratoga the result was him leading the Continental Army to
victory at Saratoga though it ultimately cost him his life. Pershing knew
Arnold for years and knew Samuel Arnold had no such wish for a glorious death.
However, the prospect of Arnold pushing further south than his mandate required
was always at the back of Pershing’s mind.
The 21st
suffered the lightest casualties of the first day of battle, with five thousand
wounded or killed. Baker and the 14th faced twice as many casualties
in their drive from Paris towards Mansfield. Like with mass bombardment for the
past year on two continents, the opposing force suffered only lightly. Before
the first Union soldiers were halfway across no-man’s land, Confederate machine
guns opened up, pinning survivors in a mine field. Before lunch, Pershing was
forced to call upon regiments of the 73rd to reinforce Baker.
Despite the
extra assistance, a number of soldiers spent a sleepless night in no-man’s
land. From 2100 to 0630 the following morning, guns around Paris began shelling
Confederate lines. Instead of a half-hour wait, Union soldiers were ordered to
advance as soon as the shelling ceased. Fewer soldiers than expected scrambled
across no-man’s land and dropped into Confederate trenches. An untold number of
rounds fired from Paris were short, and fell upon trapped soldiers of the 14th.
With the
addition aid of the 103th Nevada Volunteer regiment, the 14th
Infantry captured a two mile wide expanse of Confederate lines. Lt. General
Robert Samson ordered elements of the 12th Arkansas and 28th
Tennessee to fall back to secondary trenches, half a mile further south before
the Union could overrun his forces. His forces reached the secondary line only
minutes ahead of advancing Union soldiers.
Above the
trenches, machine guns tore apart anything that moved. In the trenches, warfare
grew truly nasty. Rifles were not the ideal weapon for the close quarters of
the trenches. Soldiers of the 14th Infantry and 28th
Tennessee fought with pistols, swords, knives and any blunt instrument that
landed in their hands. One of the favorite weapons of both sides was the trench
gun. It was little more than a standard pump-action shotgun with its barrel cut
in half.
Grenades and
firebombs took their toll as well. They proved a greater threat to defenders in
fixed locations as attacking soldiers had an easier time evading the bombs.
Even then, Union soldiers fell by the hundreds to grenades, often thrown by
their comrades. One instance repeated a number of times throughout the war were
when advancing soldiers were unaware that a position was already captured and
threw grenades in at imagined enemies.
The secondary
lines failed to halt the Union advance once the 14th, 73rd
Nebraska and other elements picked up momentum. On July 8, after two days of grueling
hand-to-hand combat, Baker broke through Confederate lines. The cost of the
breach was more than fifteen thousand dead on both sides in two days of
fighting. With the 14th depleted, Pershing moved the rest of the 73rd
Nebraska in to exploit the opening.
Further west,
the 61st Ohio faced similar resistance. There first assault against
Confederate lines was repelled altogether, surviving soldiers returning to
their trenches. Soldiers of the 8th Tennessee Cavalry (dismounted)
rose out of their trenches and attempted to overtake the retreating 61st
Ohio. By the time they reached Union lines, machine guns opened up on them,
cutting down more than two thousand soldiers in a matter of minutes.
A similar
number of Union soldiers fell when the 61st Ohio countered the
Confederate counter-attack. Unlike the 8th Tennessee, the 61st
Ohio managed to reach Confederate trenches and drop in on their enemy. Like
further east, the fighting south of Troy was a bloody affair of up-close
combat. Conditions were more medieval than modern, with a greater number died
of stab wounds or trauma to the skull than from gunshot.
The 61st
Ohio was not depleted in numbers sufficiently to prevent it from pushing
forward. Between July 8 and July 13, the 8th Tennessee engaged the
61st Ohio in a fighting withdrawal. On July 10, the 61st
Ohio flanked its opponent near the town Kenton, cutting off a southerly retreat
and forcing the 8th Tennessee eastward towards McKenzie. The 61st
Ohio attacked McKenzie from the west as the western most regiment of the 73rd
Nebraska reached the town. The town fell to Union forces on July 13, after a
day of heavy fighting.
On the
following day, the bulk of Pershing offensive captured the town of Mansfield,
cutting the first of Tennessee’s railroads. Unfortunately, because of the
east-west nature of railroads in the State, Pershing was unable to fully
utilized lines captured intact. Engineers and volunteer labor, largely in the
form of Tennessean freedmen, worked around the clock to extend a north-south
line towards the new front.
By July 15,
Samson established a new line of defenses between Huntingdon in the west and
Bain in the east. Confederate soldiers dug frantically in their new position.
Despite their best effort, they failed to dig a proper trench by the time
elements of the 14th, 73rd Nebraska and the Nevada
volunteers. Of the available forces, Baker found the Nevada regiment the least
reliable. The volunteers were brave enough, but unlike regular army or National
Guard units, they often lacked the discipline of proper soldiers. He broke the
regiment into platoons and companies and seeded them amongst profession
soldiers and authorized militia units.
On July 19, the
61st Ohio, reinforced by Nevada volunteers, launched an assault on
Huntingdon after a relatively short four hour bombardment. It was indeed short
in terms of offensives in the Great War, but for the civilians still in
Huntingdon it felt like an eternity. Those buildings that still stood before
the bombardment began were toppled by the time the dust settled and twelve
thousand Union soldiers swept into the town. By July 20, the 61st
Ohio pushed elements of the 8th Tennessee east across the Big Sandy
River.
Samson made the
best of the Big Sandy, using it as a new front line. It was a pale version of
the Mississippi or Tennessee, the later he realized his division was slowly
being pushed back towards, but it might slow the Union advance long enough to
allow machine gun fire to take its toll. Samson proved half-right. It did slow
the advance, which caused a number of casualties, but not enough to stop
Pershing’s momentum.
In Milan,
Sylvester realized that part of the Army of Tennessee faced the real threat of
being pinned against the Tennessee River. An attempt on July 18, to flank the
Union advance was foiled by the 21st Cavalry, which struck the 31st
Mississippi as it moved northeast from Dyersburg. As of July 19, Sylvester was
still unaware of the Union’s primary objective. With a commander as competent
as renown as Samuel Arnold along the Mississippi, Sylvester suspected that
Memphis might be the ultimate goal. Why else would the Union launch an
offensive between the Mississippi and Tennessee? The 31st
Mississippi was ordered to retreat south of Dyersburg to hastily prepared fortifications
and trenches on the southern bank of the northern fork of the Forked Deer
River.
Arnold
considered pursuing the 31st Mississippi after his victory near
Dyersburg, but after his light losses, less than a thousand dead, he decided
not to press his luck. Instead, he stuck with his orders and held Dyersburg.
His invasion of the Deep South would have to wait. The Forked Deer River was
about as much of an obstacle to advancing soldiers as the Big Sandy. To
officers who attended Fort Arnold on the Hudson, these Tennessee rivers were
nothing more than glorified creeks.
Sylvester’s
handling of the offensive brought doubt into the minds of the Confederate
General Staff as to his fitness to command. He nearly lost an entire division
when he tried to use it to flank one Union advance without checking the other.
With the possibility of losing three divisions to Pershing real, his decisions
over the next week would decide his future. When Bain fell on July 22, he
decided Samson’s position was untenable and ordered the 8th
Tennessee, 12th Arkansas and 28th Tennessee to retreat
east across the Tennessee River.
He decided a
retreat to the south was too risky as they possibility of the 61st
Ohio swinging south and trapping Samson was more imminent than any imagined
attack on Memphis. By July 30, the last Confederate soldier crossed the
Tennessee River. On August 1, the 14th entered the town of Camden
unopposed, and there the Union advance began to run out of steam. Baker took
the lull in combat to reinforce his division, as well as the Guard divisions
and volunteer units. Between August 1 and August 6, artillery regiments set up
positions all along the west bank of the Tennessee.
Back in Milan,
Sylvester assembled his generals to plan the defense of the
Dyersburg-Milan-Camden front and relocating his command south to Jackson.
Samson, who saw the brunt of the fighting closer than any of the other generals
assembled, argued with Sylvester over his plan to pull Samson’s forces south.
With so many Yankee guns massed around Camden, Samson was convinced that the
Union’s plan all along was to cross the Tennessee River and that Dyersburg was
part distraction and part securing their flank.
Samson’s plan
involved fortifying the east bank of the Tennessee and prepare for the Union
crossing. He lobbied for more artillery to be transferred to a front between
Waverly and Buffalo, and to be in place to shell the crossing. Sylvester
conceded that many of Samson’s arguments were valid. If the Yankees managed a
crossing, they could split the State in half and possibly flank Nashville.
Sylvester was
forced to split his artillery, transferring several artillery regiments east of
the river while holding the rest along the new front line between the two major
rivers. He telegraphed Richmond, requesting reinforcements for his new front
line, as well as any assistance the Confederate Navy could provide in defending
the Tennessee River. With a largely defensive strategy in place across the
Confederate States, Sylvester was forced to adopt a wait-and-see attitude,
moving remaining reserves to wherever Pershing strikes. One of the first rules
of war taught in the Virginia Military Institute was that it was never to cede
the initiative to the enemy. As of August 1, 1914, the initiative sat firmly in
Pershing’s court.
Saturday, February 15, 2014
Tennessee River part 2
Opposing Forces
In the land
between the Mississippi and Tennessee Rivers the First Army had four divisions
in place; the 14th Infantry Division, 21st Cavalry
Division (dismounted), 61st Ohio Guard and 73rd Nebraska
Guard. The latter two divisions were those of militia, recently reorganized as
the National Guard. Pershing’s First Army HQ sat miles behind the line on the
Kentucky-Tennessee Border in a town called Fulton.
The paper
strength of the seventy mile stretch of land between the rivers hovered around
one hundred thousand in the four divisions as well as a number of artillery
regiments covering the front. In reality, strength at the start of 1914 after
six months of war peaked at 74% in the 21st Cavalry and stood as low
as 66% for the Ohio Guard. At the cost of more than thirty thousand dead and
sixty thousand wounded, the First Army managed to push twenty-four miles into
Tennessee since the outbreak of hostilities.
The First
Army’s total strength of five hundred thousand was spread across twenty
divisions and fifteen regiments and covered the entire state. For his upcoming
push, Pershing transferred the bulk of reserves, one hundred thousand soldiers,
to staging areas between the rivers. When the spearhead of the offensive broke
through Confederate line, reserves would be sent ahead to exploit the opening.
The Army of
Tennessee’s total strength numbered at four hundred thousand men in twenty
divisions, mostly of Tennessean origin. Covering the land between the rivers,
Sylvester deployed the 31st Mississippi, 12th Arkansas
and 8th Tennessee Cavalry with the 28th Tennessee kept as
strategic reserve. In total, paper strength of eighty thousand entrenched
soldiers countered Pershing’s one hundred thousand. In reality, the Confederate
battle-ready numbers were lower than the Union counterparts, with the 8th
Tennessee Cavalry having the highest at 61%.
Army of
Tennessee’s headquarters sat closer to the front line in Nashville, which sat
within range of the longest-range artillery pieces in the First Army. Sylvester
situated the bulk of his forces around the State capital and had offensive
plans of his own. To cover the land between the rivers, he placed Lieutenant
General Robert Samson of the 12th Arkansas in command, headquartered
in Milan, Tennessee.
Operational Planning
Confederate
planning in Tennessee revolved around keeping the United States out of
Nashville. During the spring of 1914, several divisions were brought forward to
the Nashville area in an anticipated counter-offensive, one that at the very
least would push the Union out of firing range of Nashville and at the best
back into Kentucky. The war in Tennessee was always a nightmare scenario in
Richmond. Whereas Virginia had the Potomac River and the western States had
wide stretches of land for maneuvering, Tennessee had little in the way of
natural barriers.
Aside from the
Cumberland River, only minor branches and tributaries flowed from east to west,
and these would only provide a minor delay when they ran high. It was believed
by the Confederate Army General Staff that the land between the Mississippi and
the Tennessee would be the most vulnerable to attack. It was also believed that
the two rivers would provide barriers to Union advances in the State. The
Confederate Navy deployed a number of river monitors in defense of the region.
John Pershing’s
plan for attack involved a massive push in the land between the rivers, what he
called Mesopotamia in his dispatches and reports. Tennessee’s east-west
defenses were formidable, but its north-south axis was not as well guarded. At
the beginning of July 1914, the First Army, spearheaded by the 14th
Infantry and 21st Cavalry would drive deep into Mesopotamia. It
would be the opening act in Operation Babylon.
Pershing’s
proposal was to drive south to a depth of at least fifty miles and swing
eastward, crossing the Tennessee River with the objective of cutting Nashville
off from the south. The ultimate goal of the operation was the capture of
Nashville and the collapse of Confederate lines in the State by the end of
1914. It was hoped that when 1915 began, the United States Army would be poised
to invade the Deep South.
Not all of his
commanders believed it was a good plan. If it worked, then it would be
brilliant, but the odds of success were low in the opinion of his generals. The
most vocal opponent was the commander of the 21st Cavalry,
Lieutenant General Samuel Arnold. Like Pershing he too graduated from Fort
Arnold, a fort that was named for his family. Samuel Arnold was the descendant
of American Revolution hero Benedict Arnold who fell in the Battle of Saratoga.
The Arnold family served for generations in the United States Army and their
opinions were always heard.
He, and a few
other senior officers, believed the focus of Operation Babylon should be
Memphis. With Memphis firmly in Union hands, the United States could drive hard
into Mississippi towards New Orleans, and cut the Confederate States in two.
Instead of crossing the Tennessee River, the river should be used to protect
the First Army’s flank as it storms towards Memphis. Cutting the Confederacy in
half would be the first step in divide-and-conquer.
His proposal
did have merits; however Pershing countered that while the United States was at
war with Britain and its dominion in the north, the First Army would not
receive the reinforcements required to hold Memphis while defending the
Tennessee River boundary. On the other hand, if Nashville was outflanked and
Tennessee knocked out of the war, then cutting the CSA in half would be far
easier. As Pershing was the commanding general and had the confidence of the
President and General Staff in Philadelphia, he would decide the path that the
First Army would take and that path led to Nashville.
Wednesday, February 12, 2014
Tennessee River part 1
Prelude
For the first
time in days, Private Wesley Hankinson listened to a world of silence. The silence
was not complete for he could hear the engines of hundreds of boats and barges
and splashing of thousands of soldiers crossing the Tennessee River. For the
past three days, the United States Army opened up on the east bank of the
Tennessee with the largest artillery barrage in history. Rumor had it that more
than a million shells were flung at Confederate positions on the opposite side
of the river.
There was hope
in the replacements that such an awesome display of firepower would have killed
the Confederates for a depth of ten miles. The veterans knew better. Hankinson
spent the month of July fighting along with other soldiers of the US First Army
through the Tennessee countryside. He understood little of the overall
objective of the battle, save that the brass hoped to break the State of
Tennessee. Hankinson did not know much about breaking the state, but he could
testify to the line of broken soldiers behind him.
On the first
day of the battle, July 6, his platoon was reduced by half. July 7 saw it halved
again, until all that remained combat ready was a squadron worth of soldiers.
On July 6, before he went over the top, his Lieutenant assured him the three
days of bombardment would break the enemy positions. In truth, it did not even
destroy the barbed wire obstacle and his first commanding officer lay dead,
entangled in one of those obstacles.
His new
officer, a recent Fort Arnold graduate that replaced a sergeant who served as a
competent acting platoon commander, made the same promises. Replacement
privates took him at his word. Hankinson knew better, as did Sergeant Vincent Corelli.
Both veterans would live to see another sunrise. Their lieutenant would not be
so lucky. Before Hankinson crossed the river, Confederate positions opened up
on the defenseless soldiers.
Machine gun
fire cut down entire lines of advancing soldiers, many never setting foot on
dry land again. So many were killed in the crossing that the Tennessee River
went from a dirty hue to blood red. Hankinson sought cover on his barge and
prayed that none of the bullets flying had his name upon it. As it would turn
out, Confederate gunners were not his only problem. American artillery opened
up on the Confederates waiting on the eastern bank, with many of their rounds
falling short and landing in boats full of their own soldiers.
The chaos that
was the Battle of the Tennessee River had its genesis fifty years before the
Great War. During the War Between the States, Union forces initially made
progress through Tennessee and the state appeared to be on the verge of being
brought back into the Union when the great disaster east of the Appalachians drew
foreigners into what should have been an American affair. The United Kingdom recognized
and supported he Confederate struggle while France offered to mediate peace
between the two parties.
The advances in
Tennessee were not in vain, for the sacrifices of tens of thousands of Union
soldiers ensured that Kentucky would remain within the Union. Strategic
planners in the US Army after the war believed a Confederate Kentucky would
have extended the war by a year and perhaps ended it in a stalemate. The
Confederate States fought hard in the peace conference to take Kentucky, and
more importantly the Ohio River boundary. A compromise was reached where any
Kentuckians who wished to leave Kentucky would be free to do so. Virtually all
of the large land, and slave owning Kentuckians departed for the Confederacy.
Their vacancies were quickly filled by settlers from Northern cities and
Europe, creating a staunchly pro-Union population.
With Kentucky
in the Union, the United States would always have a dagger aimed at the heart
of the Confederacy. In the east, the CSA had the Potomac River. In the west,
they had wide open desert. In the middle they had a wide open and heavily
populated border. With the Tennessee River running north through Kentucky and
into the Ohio, any planters wishing to ship to New Orleans had to pass through
American customs. The difficult access prompted an expansion in railroad
throughout Tennessee, which not only allowed goods to reach Confederate ports
without travelling through the United States, but also allowed the Confederate
Army to ship large numbers of soldiers where and when they were needed.
Between 1880
and 1900, the Confederate States constructed more than a hundred fortresses
along the border and manned them with more than a hundred thousand soldiers.
The militarization of the Kentucky-Tennessee border was a two-way street. In
Kentucky, the United States Army matched the Confederates fort-for-fort and
expanded Fort Knox and Fort Boone, the former home to three cavalry divisions,
including the 21st Cavalry. The heavy build up on both side of the
border guaranteed Tennessee would see some of the bloodiest fighting in the
Great War.
Leaders
The Battle of
the Tennessee River would see the participation of no less than one hundred
officers of the rank of brigadier general or higher. Many of these
personalities clashed during the battle and in planning the battle. The fight
was not always North vs. South, but often squabbles broke out between division
and regiment commanders. The two men placed in charge of North and South fought
as much with their own subordinates as they did with their opposite numbers.
In command of
the United States First Army was one of the more experienced American
commanders, General John Pershing. Pershing was born in 1860 in Missouri. As a
child living in a Border State he was introduced to realities of war at a young
age. Though the war never struck Missouri beyond the ranging of cavalry raids,
a number of volunteers returned home from the war, defeated and maimed. One of
the crippled was an uncle. Without an arm he could no longer make a living and
eventually drank himself to death.
He graduated
from high school in 1878 and applied for admission into the military academy at
Fort Arnold in 1880. In the two years between, Pershing spent his time as a
teacher, educating rural Missourians, including a number of black refugees from
Arkansas and Tennessee. He graduated Fort Arnold in 1884, in time to see combat
out west in the Third Anglo-American war. He fought in a number of skirmishes
against the British in Minnesota and Lakota while serving in the 6th
Cavalry Regiment.
Following the
end of the war in 1885, Captain Pershing was assigned as a White officer in the
10th Cavalry Regiment, popularly known as the Buffalo Soldiers. The
largely Black regiment was assigned the less flattering positions during the
closing years of the Indian Wars. His success in commanding in the 10th,
as well as his praising of the Black soldiers earned him the nickname of ‘Black
Jack’ Pershing. What his detractors called him was far less flattering.
In 1897, then
Lieutenant Colonel Pershing transferred to Fort Arnold as an instructor. In
1904, he was promoted and assigned as a staff officer to the 21st
Cavalry in Kentucky. In 1908, he obtained the rank of Brigadier General and by 1912;
he ranked high in the General Staff of the US First Army. It was not until
early 1914, and six months of fighting was he elevated to overall command of
the First Army and the Tennessee Front.
His opposite
number lacked the years of experience but not the education. James E. Sylvester
III was born to a plantation owning family in northern Georgia in 1865, during
the height of the War Between the States. In 1883, family connections earned
him an appointment to the Virginia Military Academy. Upon graduation in 1887,
he was assigned to the Army of the Pacific and fought in the wars against the
Apache. His experience in warfare before the Great War never extended beyond
platoon or company level tactics against guerrilla fighters.
His appointment
to the General Staff of the Army of Tennessee was largely a political
appointment, a favor owed by one of the Confederacy’s political families to his
own. Sylvester had political ambitions since his youth, and if one path to
office was certain in the Confederate States it was one that led through
military command. By the start of the war, all but one of the Confederate
Presidents and more than half of its Senators served in the armed forces.
Ultimately his ambition would never be fulfilled for he and the Confederacy
eventually ran out of time.
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